" Love is not a relationship.Love is a state of being; it has nothing to do with anybody else.One is not in love, one is love. And ofcourse when one is love, one is in love-but that is an outcome, a byproduct, that is not the source. The source is that one is love." Osho from his book -courage-the joy of living dangerously.
Apparently, his conception of love is a philosohical and spiritual construction. however, I want to give it exclusively spiritual interpretation in the Christian tradition: If you happen to know and experience God, no matter what way, you end up loving. Because God is fundamentally about Love and He is love. One thing that I agree with OSHO is that love is more than relationship. Love is sacred and eternal. It is not even an offshot of pursuit and manipulation of an encounter with the opposite sex. It is something given and something divine. DB.
Wednesday, May 27, 2009
Friday, May 22, 2009
ያለፈ ዘመንም ይሆናል መስታወት:
አንዳንዴ
ያለፍንበትን ዘመን
የኁአልዮሽ ስናጠነጥን
ከመስታወት ፊት ለፊት ቆመን
ትክለ ሰውነታችን እንደሚታየን
የወፈርነው; የከሳነው
ያማረብን ወይንም የጠቆርነው
ሁሉንም በውል እንደምናየው
ያለፈ ዘመንም ይሆናል መስታወት
ስብዕናችንን እንድናይበት
ዛሬም ሲደነግዝ-አለው መብራትነት::
የዘመን ዕይታ እንደውም ይበልጣል
ገጽን እያሳየ መች ይሽነግላል
ሕይወትን መዝኖ ልክን ይናገራል::
ግንቦት 14,2001 ዓ.ም
ቶሮንቶ
ያለፍንበትን ዘመን
የኁአልዮሽ ስናጠነጥን
ከመስታወት ፊት ለፊት ቆመን
ትክለ ሰውነታችን እንደሚታየን
የወፈርነው; የከሳነው
ያማረብን ወይንም የጠቆርነው
ሁሉንም በውል እንደምናየው
ያለፈ ዘመንም ይሆናል መስታወት
ስብዕናችንን እንድናይበት
ዛሬም ሲደነግዝ-አለው መብራትነት::
የዘመን ዕይታ እንደውም ይበልጣል
ገጽን እያሳየ መች ይሽነግላል
ሕይወትን መዝኖ ልክን ይናገራል::
ግንቦት 14,2001 ዓ.ም
ቶሮንቶ
Saturday, May 16, 2009
“We need to focus on the infectious factor as well”
(Of my amateurish political writings in Nairobi. This was posted on www.dekialula.com)
A reading on the 18th century history of France could provide us with the
information that it was the illumination by the great thinkers -(like Rousseau, Montesquie and Voltaire) that enabled the oppressed French people to topple the Bourbon descendants, once and for all, who had been claiming to have heavenly mandate to rule the people. The illumination shined inother places as well.
The illumination was important in that it enabled people ask the question 'why' to the elite regarding the way they handle the affairs of the nation. The myth 'rulers are like the ambassadors of God on earth' gave way to the reality 'men are created equal and they are equal everywhere', 'A government is instituted by the people to serve the interest of the people and if a government turns away from the interest of the people it should be replaced by another one.'This fact came to be known by the
cross section of population.It was in light of this flowering idea that the 18th century was crowned with the prestigious name of 'the age of reason'.What happened in France in the 18th century implies that any major change is always preceded by effective mobilization.
In the case of Ethiopia, politicians with chronic deficiency of reason, rationality and with immense greed for power have been creating confusion and political darkness singling out the failures in the history of the nation-and overemphasizing it in way to help them come to power. And that has generated a lot of problem. In order for this confusion be conquered Ethiopian intellectuals need to make an orchestrated movement like that of the enlightenment movement in France and break their silence. I have noticed that some scholars have started giving out what they have to shed light on the confusion created by the current political elite. While I appreciate
the rising intellectual interest to illuminate on the political darkness brought about by shortsighted politicians under the guise of history, I would advise this group to think about the possible ways of delivering their ideas and provoking thought where it counts more -in Ethiopia- since very insignificant number of people have email access. We also need not forget the fact the more than 80 percent of the population is illiterate.
Coming to the why of this article, I read the article by Dr.Maimire Mennasemay posted on Ethiomedia.com. And I have a little comment on it and a few questions. He has categorized the political history of Ethiopia in to three trajectories- assimilation, fragmentation and integration. He has also pointed out that the existence of historical wounds associated with the process of state formation. Well that is right. But I uphold the opinion that if we are to judge the wounds or (mourn them as he puts it), we need to consider the downsides which are part and parcels of state building process in any feudal society. And if reasonably and rationally judged -and of course with consistent consideration of the time frame, the nature of
feudal politics and the level of political thinking attained at the time -we could
comfortably arrive at the conclusion that the historical wounds do not deserve such an emphasis.
Some groups of political elite tend to make the wounds appear big or deep by over-mentioning the agents who caused the wound. But we need to be more interested on the 'why' and 'how' questions than on the 'who' question since whoever with a feudal mentality and with a project of state building could have done the same thing. The 'historical wound' appears big or deep not because it is big or deep in itself but because the wound is being touched by infectious political hands (with selfish motive of making the wounds as a way of coming to power than healing them) there by getting deeper and bigger. I personally prefer the word failure to 'wound'. And the failures of the past are not as such complicated and they could be rectified. What it needs is a curing political hand, not infectious political hand. In fact genuine political activist, I believe,should ground his political motive on this basis and with a vision to bring about harmony, not disorder. Unfortunately, the politicians have been seriously affected with power-syndrome and over-touching the wound only to
help them come to power.
With regard to the historical analysis of the writer (Dr.Maimire) I am not clear as to why he, under the domain he categorized as fragmentation trajectory, has mentioned Imam Ahmed and Zemene Mesafint along with (or equating them with) the current EPRDF regime. Ahmed Ibn Ibrahim al-Gazi never pursued a fragmentation policy. All he wanted was a strong Muslim kingdom under his leadership. His political career started as leader of a resistance to the expanding Christian highland kings. Gaining more and more strength he sought to create a strong Muslim Empire and the faith Islam served him as an ideology in a much similar way the Christian highland kings used Christianity as ideology to expand the territory. In fact, he has acquired some assistance from the Turks but that was not at the expense of Ethiopia. On the contrary, at some point he even refused military assistance from the Turks in anticipation that the Turks might be encouraged to exercise political and economic influence in the future. Yes, His campaign has caused human and material destruction for he had pursued a scorched earth policy in some instances and campaigns of such magnitude can never be free of such incidents, especially that time. Yet, we need to see bright side of his campaign. It has caused the entrenchment of Islam, which was limited to the peripheral parts in the south east and adjacent areas, to the interior parts of Ethiopia there by making the followers the two faiths (Christianity and Islam) more close than they had been in the past. So in my view his campaign has turned out to be a cohesive factor. Therefore it can not be equated with the EPRDF regime or be categorized under a fragmentation trajectory.
Dr. Maimire has also included the element "ethnicity" under his classification of fragmentation trajectory. But I very much doubt that ethnicity was as such a fragmentary factor in the past. It was, rather,regionalism that was a stronger divisive factor even during the period of Zemene Mesafint (Era of Princes) to the extent that there were smaller competing regions with in a region. In fact there were some instances whereby the then regionalism overlapped with a language group like in the case of Tigre. But we still had divisive regional line with in Tigray itself as Inderta, Temben and the like. And that does not imply that the
fragmentation was on the basis of ethnicity. The other cardinal point we should
underline is that the regional feudal lords would have been elated if they had the
capacity to create a greater sphere of influence. They were limited to a small area because they had no capacity to effectively establish themselves as overlord with a power to collect tribute efficiently. What I can make out of this point is that unlike EPRDF, fragmentation during the period of Zemene Mesafint was more on regional basis than on ethnicity, if not ethnicity was nonexistent. Emphasis on ethnic politics is a recent phenomenon (less than half a century) and perhaps it was introduced by politicians who viewed ethnicity as a lucrative way to power.
Concerning the assimilation process, yes, there had been some resistance towards it. But there are also co-operation to assimilation process. And the process should not be understood as if many ethnic groups assimilated to a single ethnic group. That is absolutely wrong. It had been multi-directional. If we are to face the question of which assimilation process was dominant (and on which group), it will be tiresome to sort it out. So the only point I can accept is that there had been a process of
state formation concomitant with incorporation of territories and integrating it with the kingdom. This task was accomplished by feudallords and with a feudal mind, and it can never be free from some problems. But I am not condoning the downsides. Let alone the feudal lords, the contemporary politicians who claim to have a political skill and knowledge are committing a mistake far greater in magnitude (for the sake of attaining power) than what had been done by the feudal lords. As for me the politicians have failed to prove that they are better than the feudal leaders because they are not interested in bringing justice, harmony and stability.
Why are not they interested in bringing justice and that kind of stuff?
This question reminds me of my introductory philosophy course. I am not sure
whether I correctly remember it. Plato, One of the great philosophers ,in the 'republic', took up the questions 'what is justice' and 'who is just'? After raising some points in connection with the subject-justice-he began to explain human soul as comprising of three parts- appetite, spirit and reason. Then he explained appetite as having the attribute of greed-greed for power, greed for wealth and the like. And Spirit as having attributes connected with courage. The third component-reason-,he said, is interested in things good and just. If the proportion of appetite is higher in the soul, it is likely for a man to be unjust. The same is true for spirit for it may bring about aggressiveness and a wild behavior. But if the proportion of reason is high, it is unlikely for a man to be unjust for
reason has the power to regulate both appetite and spirit. This is the
reason behind why the politicians have been unjust in our case. So we need
to remind them to regulate their appetite and spirit. And they can only do
this if they can maximize the composition of reason in their soul so that
it can regulate their greed for power, for wealth and control their spirit as well. Once they can manage to climb to the summit of reason they can clearly see unreasonable, irrational and unjust objects in the way they handle the politics. That way they can clearly see the problem and the solution of the political mess up in the country.
By Dimetros Birku
Nairobi
February 2004
can be reached at -dbirku@hotmail.com
A reading on the 18th century history of France could provide us with the
information that it was the illumination by the great thinkers -(like Rousseau, Montesquie and Voltaire) that enabled the oppressed French people to topple the Bourbon descendants, once and for all, who had been claiming to have heavenly mandate to rule the people. The illumination shined inother places as well.
The illumination was important in that it enabled people ask the question 'why' to the elite regarding the way they handle the affairs of the nation. The myth 'rulers are like the ambassadors of God on earth' gave way to the reality 'men are created equal and they are equal everywhere', 'A government is instituted by the people to serve the interest of the people and if a government turns away from the interest of the people it should be replaced by another one.'This fact came to be known by the
cross section of population.It was in light of this flowering idea that the 18th century was crowned with the prestigious name of 'the age of reason'.What happened in France in the 18th century implies that any major change is always preceded by effective mobilization.
In the case of Ethiopia, politicians with chronic deficiency of reason, rationality and with immense greed for power have been creating confusion and political darkness singling out the failures in the history of the nation-and overemphasizing it in way to help them come to power. And that has generated a lot of problem. In order for this confusion be conquered Ethiopian intellectuals need to make an orchestrated movement like that of the enlightenment movement in France and break their silence. I have noticed that some scholars have started giving out what they have to shed light on the confusion created by the current political elite. While I appreciate
the rising intellectual interest to illuminate on the political darkness brought about by shortsighted politicians under the guise of history, I would advise this group to think about the possible ways of delivering their ideas and provoking thought where it counts more -in Ethiopia- since very insignificant number of people have email access. We also need not forget the fact the more than 80 percent of the population is illiterate.
Coming to the why of this article, I read the article by Dr.Maimire Mennasemay posted on Ethiomedia.com. And I have a little comment on it and a few questions. He has categorized the political history of Ethiopia in to three trajectories- assimilation, fragmentation and integration. He has also pointed out that the existence of historical wounds associated with the process of state formation. Well that is right. But I uphold the opinion that if we are to judge the wounds or (mourn them as he puts it), we need to consider the downsides which are part and parcels of state building process in any feudal society. And if reasonably and rationally judged -and of course with consistent consideration of the time frame, the nature of
feudal politics and the level of political thinking attained at the time -we could
comfortably arrive at the conclusion that the historical wounds do not deserve such an emphasis.
Some groups of political elite tend to make the wounds appear big or deep by over-mentioning the agents who caused the wound. But we need to be more interested on the 'why' and 'how' questions than on the 'who' question since whoever with a feudal mentality and with a project of state building could have done the same thing. The 'historical wound' appears big or deep not because it is big or deep in itself but because the wound is being touched by infectious political hands (with selfish motive of making the wounds as a way of coming to power than healing them) there by getting deeper and bigger. I personally prefer the word failure to 'wound'. And the failures of the past are not as such complicated and they could be rectified. What it needs is a curing political hand, not infectious political hand. In fact genuine political activist, I believe,should ground his political motive on this basis and with a vision to bring about harmony, not disorder. Unfortunately, the politicians have been seriously affected with power-syndrome and over-touching the wound only to
help them come to power.
With regard to the historical analysis of the writer (Dr.Maimire) I am not clear as to why he, under the domain he categorized as fragmentation trajectory, has mentioned Imam Ahmed and Zemene Mesafint along with (or equating them with) the current EPRDF regime. Ahmed Ibn Ibrahim al-Gazi never pursued a fragmentation policy. All he wanted was a strong Muslim kingdom under his leadership. His political career started as leader of a resistance to the expanding Christian highland kings. Gaining more and more strength he sought to create a strong Muslim Empire and the faith Islam served him as an ideology in a much similar way the Christian highland kings used Christianity as ideology to expand the territory. In fact, he has acquired some assistance from the Turks but that was not at the expense of Ethiopia. On the contrary, at some point he even refused military assistance from the Turks in anticipation that the Turks might be encouraged to exercise political and economic influence in the future. Yes, His campaign has caused human and material destruction for he had pursued a scorched earth policy in some instances and campaigns of such magnitude can never be free of such incidents, especially that time. Yet, we need to see bright side of his campaign. It has caused the entrenchment of Islam, which was limited to the peripheral parts in the south east and adjacent areas, to the interior parts of Ethiopia there by making the followers the two faiths (Christianity and Islam) more close than they had been in the past. So in my view his campaign has turned out to be a cohesive factor. Therefore it can not be equated with the EPRDF regime or be categorized under a fragmentation trajectory.
Dr. Maimire has also included the element "ethnicity" under his classification of fragmentation trajectory. But I very much doubt that ethnicity was as such a fragmentary factor in the past. It was, rather,regionalism that was a stronger divisive factor even during the period of Zemene Mesafint (Era of Princes) to the extent that there were smaller competing regions with in a region. In fact there were some instances whereby the then regionalism overlapped with a language group like in the case of Tigre. But we still had divisive regional line with in Tigray itself as Inderta, Temben and the like. And that does not imply that the
fragmentation was on the basis of ethnicity. The other cardinal point we should
underline is that the regional feudal lords would have been elated if they had the
capacity to create a greater sphere of influence. They were limited to a small area because they had no capacity to effectively establish themselves as overlord with a power to collect tribute efficiently. What I can make out of this point is that unlike EPRDF, fragmentation during the period of Zemene Mesafint was more on regional basis than on ethnicity, if not ethnicity was nonexistent. Emphasis on ethnic politics is a recent phenomenon (less than half a century) and perhaps it was introduced by politicians who viewed ethnicity as a lucrative way to power.
Concerning the assimilation process, yes, there had been some resistance towards it. But there are also co-operation to assimilation process. And the process should not be understood as if many ethnic groups assimilated to a single ethnic group. That is absolutely wrong. It had been multi-directional. If we are to face the question of which assimilation process was dominant (and on which group), it will be tiresome to sort it out. So the only point I can accept is that there had been a process of
state formation concomitant with incorporation of territories and integrating it with the kingdom. This task was accomplished by feudallords and with a feudal mind, and it can never be free from some problems. But I am not condoning the downsides. Let alone the feudal lords, the contemporary politicians who claim to have a political skill and knowledge are committing a mistake far greater in magnitude (for the sake of attaining power) than what had been done by the feudal lords. As for me the politicians have failed to prove that they are better than the feudal leaders because they are not interested in bringing justice, harmony and stability.
Why are not they interested in bringing justice and that kind of stuff?
This question reminds me of my introductory philosophy course. I am not sure
whether I correctly remember it. Plato, One of the great philosophers ,in the 'republic', took up the questions 'what is justice' and 'who is just'? After raising some points in connection with the subject-justice-he began to explain human soul as comprising of three parts- appetite, spirit and reason. Then he explained appetite as having the attribute of greed-greed for power, greed for wealth and the like. And Spirit as having attributes connected with courage. The third component-reason-,he said, is interested in things good and just. If the proportion of appetite is higher in the soul, it is likely for a man to be unjust. The same is true for spirit for it may bring about aggressiveness and a wild behavior. But if the proportion of reason is high, it is unlikely for a man to be unjust for
reason has the power to regulate both appetite and spirit. This is the
reason behind why the politicians have been unjust in our case. So we need
to remind them to regulate their appetite and spirit. And they can only do
this if they can maximize the composition of reason in their soul so that
it can regulate their greed for power, for wealth and control their spirit as well. Once they can manage to climb to the summit of reason they can clearly see unreasonable, irrational and unjust objects in the way they handle the politics. That way they can clearly see the problem and the solution of the political mess up in the country.
By Dimetros Birku
Nairobi
February 2004
can be reached at -dbirku@hotmail.com
Sunday, May 10, 2009
የሰፈሬ እናቶች
የደግነት ድካ
የቸርነት ዋርካ
የሰፈሬ እናቶች
እነኚያ ደጋጎች
የማምላክ ወዳጆች
ምንም ሳይኖራቸው
ዐመል ሆኖባቸው
ለሰፈር ልጃቸው
ይፈታል እጃቸው ::
"" የኔ ልጂ በሞቴ አፈር ስሆንልህ
እንዴት እድርጌ እንደሰራሁት ብታይ እኔ እናትህ
እፈር ስሆንልህ ?!
እንዲያው ምን ሆነህ ነው ትንሽ ብትቀምስ
ጥሩ ድቁስ
እንጀራውም ትኩስ
ቆንጆ ሽሮም አለ ካንጀትህ እንዲደርስ
ምነው ደስ ቢለኝ የልቤ ቢደርስ ?! ""
መስጠት እኮ ነው የልባቸው
ለወደዷቸው ልጆቼ ላሉአቸው !
በጎን ዘንበል ብለው
ዐመዱን ተታከው
"'እፍ "" እያሉ 'ሚያነዱት እሳት
ፊታቸውን እንደጉልቻው ድንጋይ ጠብሶት
ጥላሸት ፊታቸው ላብ ቸፍ ብሎበት
ኑሮ የገደላቸውን 'ረስተውት
ከመጤፍ ሳይቆጥሩት
""አፈር ስሆንልህ ብላልኝ ይሉኛል ""
እኔን እንዲሞቀኝ እንደዛ ጠቋቁረው
ጻዕዳ ፍቅራቸውን ይደርቡልኛል ::
ልክ እንደ ትልቅ ሰው ካንጀት ያከብሩኛል
እንዲህ ያለ ሐገር ;
እንዲህ ያለ ፍቅር ;
እግር እስኪነቃ ሲኬድም ቢታደር
ከወዴት ይገኛል ?!
እንደ አለመታደል
እነዚያን እናቶች
ባይኔ ሳላያቸው
""አረፉ "" ይሉኛል
አንድ ቀን ሳያርፉ
ሲለፉ ላለፉ !
የሰፈሬ እናቶች
እነኚያ ደጋጎች
የማምላክ ወዳጆች
አምላክ ይክፈላቸው
መሬት ይቅለላቸው !!!
በሞት ለተለዪ ሁለት ጎረቤት እናቶች የተቋጠረ
ሚያዚያ 16, 2001 ዓ .ም
የቸርነት ዋርካ
የሰፈሬ እናቶች
እነኚያ ደጋጎች
የማምላክ ወዳጆች
ምንም ሳይኖራቸው
ዐመል ሆኖባቸው
ለሰፈር ልጃቸው
ይፈታል እጃቸው ::
"" የኔ ልጂ በሞቴ አፈር ስሆንልህ
እንዴት እድርጌ እንደሰራሁት ብታይ እኔ እናትህ
እፈር ስሆንልህ ?!
እንዲያው ምን ሆነህ ነው ትንሽ ብትቀምስ
ጥሩ ድቁስ
እንጀራውም ትኩስ
ቆንጆ ሽሮም አለ ካንጀትህ እንዲደርስ
ምነው ደስ ቢለኝ የልቤ ቢደርስ ?! ""
መስጠት እኮ ነው የልባቸው
ለወደዷቸው ልጆቼ ላሉአቸው !
በጎን ዘንበል ብለው
ዐመዱን ተታከው
"'እፍ "" እያሉ 'ሚያነዱት እሳት
ፊታቸውን እንደጉልቻው ድንጋይ ጠብሶት
ጥላሸት ፊታቸው ላብ ቸፍ ብሎበት
ኑሮ የገደላቸውን 'ረስተውት
ከመጤፍ ሳይቆጥሩት
""አፈር ስሆንልህ ብላልኝ ይሉኛል ""
እኔን እንዲሞቀኝ እንደዛ ጠቋቁረው
ጻዕዳ ፍቅራቸውን ይደርቡልኛል ::
ልክ እንደ ትልቅ ሰው ካንጀት ያከብሩኛል
እንዲህ ያለ ሐገር ;
እንዲህ ያለ ፍቅር ;
እግር እስኪነቃ ሲኬድም ቢታደር
ከወዴት ይገኛል ?!
እንደ አለመታደል
እነዚያን እናቶች
ባይኔ ሳላያቸው
""አረፉ "" ይሉኛል
አንድ ቀን ሳያርፉ
ሲለፉ ላለፉ !
የሰፈሬ እናቶች
እነኚያ ደጋጎች
የማምላክ ወዳጆች
አምላክ ይክፈላቸው
መሬት ይቅለላቸው !!!
በሞት ለተለዪ ሁለት ጎረቤት እናቶች የተቋጠረ
ሚያዚያ 16, 2001 ዓ .ም
Friday, May 8, 2009
ለውብ ልጂ ከልብ በላይ ምን ይሰጣል?
አንዳንዴ የወደደ ሞኝ አይደል!
የመውደዴን ልክ ላሳይ ባስብ
ቀን ቀን ሳልጋደም በሀሳብ
ሌሊት ተኝቼ በምናብ
ሰርቼ ግድንግድ የፍቅር ግንብ
ልቤም ከትሞ በሷ ልብ
እኔ በሀሳብ ላይ;ሀሳብ በእኔ ላይ ሆነን
ሳስብ..ሳስብ...ሳስብ...
በሀሳብ ...
አንዴ በስሟ ትንሽዬ መጽሀፍ ስጽፍ
አንዴ ወጣ ብለን ጥሩ የዕረፍት ጊዜ ስናሳልፍ
መውደዴ እስኪገባት አለቅም ብዬ ዓይን ዓይኗን ሳያት
ድምጽ አልባ ሆኘ በዐይኔ ስለፍቅሯ ሳዜምላት
ቁንጂናዋን አንድ ባንድ ሳሳያት
ራሴን ያለፈቃዷ ሾሜ እንደውበቷ ነገረፈጂ
የኔ"'ሚስ ወርልድ"" እሷ ነች ብዬ ላውጂ
የሷን ደስታ; የሷን ስኬት እንደምመኝ ልነግራት ስዘጋጂ
ለካስ ናት ፍቅር የማትፈልግ ቆንጆ ልጂ::
ልጠይቅ እንጂ ፍቅር የያዘው ሞኝ አይደል!
ለውብ ልጂ
ለባለ ፀዳል ከልብ እና ከፍቅር በላይ ምን ይሰጣል?!
(የማትወደውን ለወደደ)
ሚያዚያ 6, 2001 ዓ.ም
ቶሮንቶ
የመውደዴን ልክ ላሳይ ባስብ
ቀን ቀን ሳልጋደም በሀሳብ
ሌሊት ተኝቼ በምናብ
ሰርቼ ግድንግድ የፍቅር ግንብ
ልቤም ከትሞ በሷ ልብ
እኔ በሀሳብ ላይ;ሀሳብ በእኔ ላይ ሆነን
ሳስብ..ሳስብ...ሳስብ...
በሀሳብ ...
አንዴ በስሟ ትንሽዬ መጽሀፍ ስጽፍ
አንዴ ወጣ ብለን ጥሩ የዕረፍት ጊዜ ስናሳልፍ
መውደዴ እስኪገባት አለቅም ብዬ ዓይን ዓይኗን ሳያት
ድምጽ አልባ ሆኘ በዐይኔ ስለፍቅሯ ሳዜምላት
ቁንጂናዋን አንድ ባንድ ሳሳያት
ራሴን ያለፈቃዷ ሾሜ እንደውበቷ ነገረፈጂ
የኔ"'ሚስ ወርልድ"" እሷ ነች ብዬ ላውጂ
የሷን ደስታ; የሷን ስኬት እንደምመኝ ልነግራት ስዘጋጂ
ለካስ ናት ፍቅር የማትፈልግ ቆንጆ ልጂ::
ልጠይቅ እንጂ ፍቅር የያዘው ሞኝ አይደል!
ለውብ ልጂ
ለባለ ፀዳል ከልብ እና ከፍቅር በላይ ምን ይሰጣል?!
(የማትወደውን ለወደደ)
ሚያዚያ 6, 2001 ዓ.ም
ቶሮንቶ
Wednesday, May 6, 2009
OSHO on Compassion
I read OSHO's book on compassion. It appears that he is writing from the perspective of Buddihist religious tradition. Overall,I would say the book is very insighteful. Yet, sometimes he goes on to a sytematic deconstruction of the teachings of Christ- on different themes. Also, it appears to,subtly,inculcate individualism. It is a good read and entertaining at the same time. I will be glad to borrow the book for friends based in Toronto.
Saturday, May 2, 2009
ጊዜ እና ሕይወት :
ሕይወት ገና በተሲዐት በቁም አንቀላፍታ
"'በጊዜ "" ተረታ ""ለጊዜ "' እጂ ሰጥታ
ዛቢያዋን - መሽከርከሪያ ምህዋሯን ስታ
ስታዘግም በሰው ምህዋር ""በጊዜ "" ባለፋንታ
እንበለ ሀገር ; በሰው ቀየ -በሰው ቦታ ;
""ጊዜ "" ግን ይሮጣል
የልቡን ይሰራል
ሕይወትን ገትሮ እንደጉድ ይበራል
ዘመን ይቆልላል ::
እንዲያ እየከነፈ ;
አንዳንዱን ያነሳል
አንዳንዱን ይጥላል
አንዳንዱን ይክባል
አንዳንዱን ይንዳል ::
ሕይወት ብርቱ ! እንደምንም ብላ ምህዋሯን ብታገኝ
""ጊዜ "" እንደሁ አይተዋት ; መሽከርከሪያ ጊዜ እንደልብ አይገኝ ::
ሚያዚያ 25, 2001 ዓ .ም
ቶሮንቶ
(ጊዜ ለባከነባቸው እና ለተፈናቀሉ )
"'በጊዜ "" ተረታ ""ለጊዜ "' እጂ ሰጥታ
ዛቢያዋን - መሽከርከሪያ ምህዋሯን ስታ
ስታዘግም በሰው ምህዋር ""በጊዜ "" ባለፋንታ
እንበለ ሀገር ; በሰው ቀየ -በሰው ቦታ ;
""ጊዜ "" ግን ይሮጣል
የልቡን ይሰራል
ሕይወትን ገትሮ እንደጉድ ይበራል
ዘመን ይቆልላል ::
እንዲያ እየከነፈ ;
አንዳንዱን ያነሳል
አንዳንዱን ይጥላል
አንዳንዱን ይክባል
አንዳንዱን ይንዳል ::
ሕይወት ብርቱ ! እንደምንም ብላ ምህዋሯን ብታገኝ
""ጊዜ "" እንደሁ አይተዋት ; መሽከርከሪያ ጊዜ እንደልብ አይገኝ ::
ሚያዚያ 25, 2001 ዓ .ም
ቶሮንቶ
(ጊዜ ለባከነባቸው እና ለተፈናቀሉ )
Friday, May 1, 2009
የኅሊና ዕዳ :
የኅሊና ዕዳ :
መቼም ኅሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
ለቀናት መዘንጋት የሌለበት ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ ::
እናት ለልጁ የሚሆነውን የሆነች
ተበድራ ተቀድማ ያስተማረች
እናታችን ኢትዮጵያ ...
ዛሬም በቀን ጎደሎ በጣዕር ተይዛለች ::
ያኔ የኔታ ቤት ተዘልቆ አቡጊዳ
አስኮላም ተገብቶ ሌላ ለማወቅ ስንሰናዳ
እሱም ሽው ብሎ አልቆ
የበረታውም ኮሌጅ ዘልቆ
ባለው ላይ ብዙ ጨምሮ
ተፈትሾ መተንተን መቻሉ ያወቀውን አብጠርጥሮ
ካባ ለብሶ ምሎ ሲሊውን ሊይዝ ...
ድንቁርናን ሊመታው አጠንክሮ
ያስተማረችንም በሌላት አቅሟ
እናታችንም ኢትዮጵያችን እማማ
ችግሯን አምቃ እንባዋን አደራርቃ
የደረሱላትን ልጆችዋን መርቃ
የሀዘን እንባዋ ደርቆ እንዳትኖር ትንሽ እንኳ ስቃ
እስከዛሬ እንደ ጂረት የፈሰሰው እንባ እንዳይበቃ
ዛሬም ኢትዮጵያችን አለች ቀን ጎሎባት ተይዛ በሀዘን ሲቃ
ምን ይብቃ ??!!
ያሁኑ ይባስ ! የፊጥኝ ተቀፍድዶ የታሰረ
እንዳይበላ ተፈርዶበት ተከንትሮ ያደረ
በቀን አንዴም አፉን ያልሻረ
እሱን እያየች ...
መኖር ከተባለ እናታችን ኢትዮጵያ ዛሬም አለች
በእንባ እየታጠበች ::
መቼም ኅሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
መዘንጋት የሌለበት ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ ::
ካብራኳ የወጣ ጐፈሬ ዛሬ ጸጉሩን ተከርክሞ
አምሮበት ሺክ ብሎ በሱፍ ተሸልሞ
ከዘመኑ ሰዱቃውያን ጋር ገጥሞ
""በነፃ -ገበያ "" ቅኝት ይደለቃል እየመታ አታሞ
ሁሉ በእጁ ሁሉ በደጁ ...
ማን ከልካይ አለበት ይናገራል ደሞ
"" ኢትዮጵያማ አድጋለች
የነብስ -ወከፍ ገቢ በእጥፍ ጨምራለች ""
ህልቆ መሳፍርት የሌለውን
በየቤቱ በነብስ ወከፍ በራብ ሆዱ የሚጮኸውን
እንጀራ ቁም ነገር ሆኖ እሱን ያጣውን
ተመቸኝ ብሎ ""በአድጎአል "" ውሸት መጀቦን
ህሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
መዘንጋት የሌለበት ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ ::
ያለ ነጋሪት ጋዜጣ
ይመስላል አዲስ አዋጂ የወጣ
እናታችን ኢትዮጵያ ታስራ ተቀፍድዳ
ታውጆባታል እንድትቀበር በሰዱቃዊ ቆዳ
ለወንበዴ አላጨበጭብም ያለው ቂም ተይዞበት
እሚበላው አሳጥተው በራብ አለንጋ ሲገርፉት
ያን ኩሩ ህዝብ ለዱቄት ሲያሰልፉት
ከዚህ በላይ ! አወረዱ እንጂ መዐት !
መቼም ኅሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ .....
ህዳር 20, 2001 ዓመተ ምህረት
መቼም ኅሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
ለቀናት መዘንጋት የሌለበት ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ ::
እናት ለልጁ የሚሆነውን የሆነች
ተበድራ ተቀድማ ያስተማረች
እናታችን ኢትዮጵያ ...
ዛሬም በቀን ጎደሎ በጣዕር ተይዛለች ::
ያኔ የኔታ ቤት ተዘልቆ አቡጊዳ
አስኮላም ተገብቶ ሌላ ለማወቅ ስንሰናዳ
እሱም ሽው ብሎ አልቆ
የበረታውም ኮሌጅ ዘልቆ
ባለው ላይ ብዙ ጨምሮ
ተፈትሾ መተንተን መቻሉ ያወቀውን አብጠርጥሮ
ካባ ለብሶ ምሎ ሲሊውን ሊይዝ ...
ድንቁርናን ሊመታው አጠንክሮ
ያስተማረችንም በሌላት አቅሟ
እናታችንም ኢትዮጵያችን እማማ
ችግሯን አምቃ እንባዋን አደራርቃ
የደረሱላትን ልጆችዋን መርቃ
የሀዘን እንባዋ ደርቆ እንዳትኖር ትንሽ እንኳ ስቃ
እስከዛሬ እንደ ጂረት የፈሰሰው እንባ እንዳይበቃ
ዛሬም ኢትዮጵያችን አለች ቀን ጎሎባት ተይዛ በሀዘን ሲቃ
ምን ይብቃ ??!!
ያሁኑ ይባስ ! የፊጥኝ ተቀፍድዶ የታሰረ
እንዳይበላ ተፈርዶበት ተከንትሮ ያደረ
በቀን አንዴም አፉን ያልሻረ
እሱን እያየች ...
መኖር ከተባለ እናታችን ኢትዮጵያ ዛሬም አለች
በእንባ እየታጠበች ::
መቼም ኅሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
መዘንጋት የሌለበት ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ ::
ካብራኳ የወጣ ጐፈሬ ዛሬ ጸጉሩን ተከርክሞ
አምሮበት ሺክ ብሎ በሱፍ ተሸልሞ
ከዘመኑ ሰዱቃውያን ጋር ገጥሞ
""በነፃ -ገበያ "" ቅኝት ይደለቃል እየመታ አታሞ
ሁሉ በእጁ ሁሉ በደጁ ...
ማን ከልካይ አለበት ይናገራል ደሞ
"" ኢትዮጵያማ አድጋለች
የነብስ -ወከፍ ገቢ በእጥፍ ጨምራለች ""
ህልቆ መሳፍርት የሌለውን
በየቤቱ በነብስ ወከፍ በራብ ሆዱ የሚጮኸውን
እንጀራ ቁም ነገር ሆኖ እሱን ያጣውን
ተመቸኝ ብሎ ""በአድጎአል "" ውሸት መጀቦን
ህሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
መዘንጋት የሌለበት ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ ::
ያለ ነጋሪት ጋዜጣ
ይመስላል አዲስ አዋጂ የወጣ
እናታችን ኢትዮጵያ ታስራ ተቀፍድዳ
ታውጆባታል እንድትቀበር በሰዱቃዊ ቆዳ
ለወንበዴ አላጨበጭብም ያለው ቂም ተይዞበት
እሚበላው አሳጥተው በራብ አለንጋ ሲገርፉት
ያን ኩሩ ህዝብ ለዱቄት ሲያሰልፉት
ከዚህ በላይ ! አወረዱ እንጂ መዐት !
መቼም ኅሊና የሚባል ነገር ካለ
ያልተከፈለ ዕዳ አለ .....
ህዳር 20, 2001 ዓመተ ምህረት
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